This year, India was invited to the G7outreach summit, by its Chair Japan. This wasn’t its first time, as it has previously been invited when France was the G7 host in 2019, by the US, though it was cancelled because of COVID-19 in 2020, by the UK in 2021 and when Germany was the host in 2022. It’s interesting to link how many G-7 countries which now deem India indispensable in their strategic calculi also once were the colonial masters. It is a fact that if G-7 is to remain functionally relevant, holistic and mindful of Jaishankar’s viral dictum “Europe has to grow out of the mind-set that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems”, then it can’tside-line India’s opinion. This development is consonant with the rising profile of India as a key emerging global power housing 1/6th of humanity. This article shall closely follow up with India’s portfolio across regional and global councils.
Categorically it is only wise to first trace India’s G-20 feat first. Via its presidential opportunity, India is forging partnerships for global good. From December 2021 to November 2025, the tetrad of Indonesia, India, Brazil, and South Africa have already/will be taking the presidential position at G-20. This has infused prevalence of global south sentiments to India’s presidency, which it has tried to leverage to push for its constant demands of ‘NORMS’, accessible, affordable and equitable finance access for just energy transitions, and multi-polarity. India’s human-centric approach is aiming to attain consensus on all growth and development related issues, enhancing its credibility by bringing real issues to the forum.
The above chart reflects four broad engagement areas. Magnifying to read between the lines shows that LiFE, women led development, digital public infrastructure, harnessing tech-ability in health sector, education and agriculture, culture and tourism, circular economy, global food and energy security, disaster risk reduction, infrastructure resilience, multilateral reforms, a secure economic atmosphere and development cooperation to hasten these are the topical high on agenda items. These issues must not be foregone if the SDGs 1,2,3,4,7,9,13 are to be achieved in time (Covid has already undone much progress).
While India will be followed by the Brazilian and South African presidency, the three are part of yet another grouping called IBSA. IBSA is a hassle-free forum for India as it has scope for consensus on common issues, unlike other fora where China keenly counters Indian efforts. India coordinating between IBSA and G-20 presidencies of the three countries can propose coherent efforts to attain ‘promising deliverables’ for global south which is also 85% of human population. If the European Union with its population of less than 450 Million can be a G20 member, why can’t the African Union with 1.3 Billion plus population be too? India’s strong advocacy for the same is a principled position.
India plays by strategic autonomy and stands for multilateral actions as opposed to the unilateral ones. India’s membership of umpteen functionalist as well as geo-strategic councils at regional and global level is thus a logical outcome. We’ll take up more councils for elaboration.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is currently the world’s largest regional organization spanning 60% of Eurasia and 1/4th of global economy. India assumed its rotating presidency in September 2022 (the first time for it to be headed by a south Asian country). If SCO gives India strategic maneuverability vis a vis a belligerent China, India imparts democratic credentials to SCO as it otherwise would be a council of authoritarians. SCO’s membership is a part of India’s bigger plan of re-invigorating its ties with central Asian countries towards which it has always had a constructivist approach. The lack of direct geographical contact, impediments by Pakistan and the scope of regional connectivity enhancement have shaped India’s approach towards SCO. In the 2018 summit, PM Modi proposed ‘SECURE’ which summarizes the Indian approach. It stands for ‘security for citizens’, ‘economic development for all’, ‘connecting the region’, ‘uniting the people’, ‘respect for sovereignty and integrity’, and ‘environmental protection’. India at the 2019 Bishkek summit also called for an ‘Afghan-led, Afghan owned and aAghan controlled peace process’ which since has inspired Afghan peace talks. The three key areas encompassing economy, culture and security are its focus points. India has also mooted for ‘innovations and startups’ since 2020. It advocates for consultative and transparent aid measures including for infrastructure development, as opposed to China’s BRI that materializes its debt diplomacy. New Delhi in 2020 extended a 1 billion $ L.O.C to CARS for infra projects (like Tajikistan’s Dushanbe-Chortut highway).Moreover, India at SCO has garnered support for draft UN’s CCIT convention which will be crucial to foster security in the currently radicalized AfPak region (referred as the cradle of terrorism, extremism and separatism). India has also protested to make RATS (regional anti-terrorist structure) linguistically inclusive which currently doesn’t include English as a working language. This impedes effective and agile regional coordination in anti-terror intelligence sharing. India’s presence is thus important for a balanced SCO which otherwise would further China’s expansionism.
Another futuristic forum is of BRICS economies which India considers a platform for coordination, consultation and cooperation on ongoing issues. The over-stretching by hegemons and rising economic heft of these emerging countries has brought BRICS back to strategic discussions. The notable Indian contribution is the proposal of NDB at 4th BRICS summit, an‘urbanization forum’ to tackle urbanization induced challenges, and other key recommendations to increase intra-BRICS cooperation. India recorded over 100 billion US $ in intra-BRICS trade in 2022 and is committed to use BRICS for facilitating‘a polycentric world and civilizational diversity’. India during its presidency in 2016 tried to bring people to the center of BRICS agenda (Ex: Under its leadership the BRICS Agricultural Research platform was established). BRICS, with an expanded membership will only continue to get more relevant.
SAARC is a South Asia focused regional organization which has been facing an existential crisis for geopolitical reasons. However, India tried to make it functional when in 2020 it pledged 10 million $ towards a Covid-19 emergency fund for SAARC nations. A grouping like BIMSTECcan’t be its replacement for it lacks ‘common identity and history’ that binds the SAARC countries. Still, BIMSTEC is important to check Indo-Pacific encroachments by China and, India has leveraged this forum for developing its North-East via connectivity projects as four BIMSTEC countries border India’s north-east.
India in 2022 celebrated 30 years of dialogue relations with ASEANand has financially assisted the ASEAN countries via ‘ASEAN-INDIA cooperation fund’ and ‘ASEAN-INDIA green fund’, 110 billion $ being the trade value. It has emerged as a credible strategic partner, benefitting both sides economically and reinvigorating their age-old people-people ties.
India speaks the language of international law and mutual respect when speaking for a country whose sovereign rights are violated.
Moving on, strategically it is believed that QUAD is an anti-china forum, whereas India always tries to show that the platform isn’t directed against any nation. India has inspired QUAD’s normative framework, making multilateralism and mutual cooperation as its lynchpin. It has diversified the agenda basket. QUAD now discusses security, trade, health, infrastructure and climate change.
Over years India has invested extensive diplomatic capital to make its voice and that of others’ like itself, heard. This has given credibility to the Indian opinion. Its emergence in various councils will sing a saga of world bonhomie and human centric world order. India must continue to add relevance by bringing real problems to the high table. Its role at theUN as a leader of global south is well-acknowledged. Its advocacy for alternative institutions of world finance and calls to reform current ones is now a reality. By promoting and abiding by the ideals of Samman, Sambvad, Sahyog, shanti and Samriddhi, India is well poised to emerge as a key global partner and power, projecting its ‘action-oriented’ approach via regional and global councils.
Abbreviations:
G 7- Group of Seven
G 20- Group of Twenty
NORMS- New Orientation for Reformed Multilateralism
LiFE- Lifestyle for Environment
IBSA forum- “India-Brazil-South Africa”
BRI- Belt & Road Initiative
L.O.C- Line of Credit
CARS- Central Asian Republics
CCIT- Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism
BRICS grouping- Brazil, Russia, India, china, South Africa
NDB- New Development Bank
SAARC- South Asian Association for Regional cooperation
BIMSTEC- Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation
ASEAN- Association of South East Asian Nations
QUAD- Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (with India, US, Japan and Australia as members)
UN- United Nations
Author : Naveena Singh
Author Description : Naveena Singh is currently pursuing masters in the field of “Politics with Specialization in International Studies”, from the ‘School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi’. However she keeps herself updated with key and strategic developments in the International Realm, and in India’s conduct with other countries. She has also authored an english poetry book titled “Lueur-A Book of 21+1 Balmy Poems” in 2018.
Disclaimer : The views, thoughts, or opinions expressed in this blogs belong solely to the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of author’s employer, organisation, committee or any other group or individual.